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Korean citizens gather in Seoul to protest the ruling Myung-Bak Lee administration, February 2009. (Photo: Steven Borowiec)

Korean citizens gather in Seoul to protest the ruling Myung-Bak Lee administration, February 2009. (Photo: Steven Borowiec)

By Steven Borowiec
Briarpatch Magazine
November/December 2009

On May 2, 2009, Korean police apprehended Torna Limbu and Abdus Sabur. The arrests were separate but connected. Both men had long been active in South Korea’s Migrants’ Trade Union and had just been elected to the respective positions of president and vice-president. That evening, as they made their ways home from the union meeting, they were taken into custody and eventually deported.

South Korea’s export-led economy has been hard hit by the global economic crisis, and the country’s migrant workforce has made a particularly easy target for politicians looking for scapegoats. South Korea has historically been ethnically homogeneous and has had a tepid relationship with outsiders even in prosperous times; during times of hardship, these workers face even greater scrutiny and discrimination.

The South Korean government’s first measure in its crackdown on migrant workers, most of whom come from Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent, was to slash the number of permits to be granted to foreigners who enter on the country’s E-9 and H-2 visas (for unskilled and semi-skilled workers, respectively). The number of permits was cut from over 100,000 in 2008 to just 34,000 in 2009. By June 2009, all 34,000 visas had been issued, creating a labour shortage in the construction and manufacturing industries.

The government then introduced an incentive system for firms that fire migrant workers and replace them with Koreans. A bonus of 1.2 million Korean won ($1050) is given for each fired migrant. According to Young-sup Jeong of the Migrants’ Trade Union, “It’s a racist policy meant to target the vulnerable. Migrants had been getting fired without notice, just showing up at work one day and told that the boss didn’t need them anymore.”

The Migrants’ Trade Union has never been granted formal union status under South Korean law and thus has never enjoyed the legitimacy and benefits that union status provides. Their application was denied in May 2005. An appeal is currently pending in the country’s Supreme Court.

The court battle, says Jeong, “has been made more difficult by the right-wing government. They’ve intentionally delayed the decision.”

South Korea has a strong union culture. The global economic crisis had a markedly different effect on the government’s dealings with South Korean unions than with foreign workers. While Korean and foreign workers made similar demands for stability and ethical treatment, one group was listened to and the other brushed aside. South Korean labour groups argued that the hardships accompanying the global downturn would require the government to take a more active role in legislating fair standards of employment.

The current paucity of permanent positions being protested by Korean unions has its roots in the last financial crisis to hit East Asia. As the econ­omies of East Asia slumped in the late 1990s, the South Korean government introduced more temporary positions in an attempt to jump-start growth, moving away from the permanent positions common in the region. The effect of these changes, though, has been to limit access to stable employment and heighten inequality. These changes were implemented in spite of strong opposition from union groups, which continue to
demand that they be reversed.

Under pressure to create more perma­nent positions, the ruling Grand National Party has negotiated extensively with opposition parties and the country’s leading unions to reach an agreement on a measure to improve conditions for irregular (Korean) workers. A proposed measure that would require companies to make temporary workers permanent after two years is pending and expected to pass.

The government also plans to offer cash incentives to small and medium-sized firms who make workers permanent. Irregular workers who are fired can appeal their termination with a number of government committees and seek unemployment protection. Foreign workers, however, would be privy to none of these benefits.

Limbu and Sabur are now back in their respective home countries of Nepal and Bangladesh. Both have chosen to remain home rather than attempt a return to Korea. In their absence, their former co-workers continue to struggle as the fallout from the economic crisis continues. According to Jeong of the Migrants’ Trade Union, “Our only choice in this situation is to build solidarity and together ask who is really responsible for the economic crisis and demand our jobs and improvement of our working conditions.”

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Photo: Jonah Gindin

Photo: Jonah Gindin

Play offence or defence? That is the question facing unions during this economic crisis.

By Sarah Ryan
Briarpatch Magazine
November/December 2009

Being a bike courier was the first job Mark Hayward had that he not only liked, but loved. But times are tough: if he were offered a better job tomorrow, he’d be gone.

“For the first time ever, work was so slow, couriers were complaining they didn’t have enough money for food,” says Hayward. He sees joining a union as one answer to these tough times. As a result, he has been helping with the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) campaign to unionize bike and car couriers in Toronto.

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Illustration by Nick CraineBy Carmelle Wolfson
Briarpatch Magazine
November 2008

“The Internet now is what TV was 20 years ago,” says Mike Thomas, Recreation Committee Chair of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Local 424. “I don’t go home and sit down and watch four hours of television. I’ll go home and spend four hours catching up on messages, chatting with friends all over the world, watching videos, reading papers, doing research on subjects of interest.”

Thomas is not alone. Recent trends suggest that Canadians are spending increasingly more time online and less time in front of the TV. According to Statistics Canada, Internet use in households with children under 18 has risen from 50 per cent in 1999 to 82 per cent in 2004. During the same time period, TV watching went down by three hours a week amongst the same age group.

This shift in people’s media habits away from top-down broadcast media like television towards more interactive network media opens up interesting possibilities for grassroots democracy and political organizing. Labour unions are increasingly taking notice, and beginning to adapt the technologies to their own uses.

In particular, social networking sites and other online innovations that facilitate user-generated content and peer-to-peer information sharing (collectively known as “Web 2.0″ technologies) have changed the way people use online media, encouraging active collaboration among users in a way that our televisions never could. Union organizers, originally frightened by the security risks of the virtual world, have shifted to publicly advocating that unions make better use of the Internet. Workers may not be able to organize using their television sets. They can, however, discuss workplace issues on the web. For this reason, unions of all varieties are now making use of Web 2.0 technologies like Facebook. It’s free, it’s popular and it’s user-friendly.

But is it union-friendly?

Dave Malka, a member of the Communications, Energy and Paperworkers Union of Canada Local 777 in Edmonton, thinks so. He sees Facebook as a great tool for union organizing. “I usually sent out a lot of emails, but I think people ignore the emails, or it goes into their bulk email,” he explains. “I understand that happens with Facebook too,” he concedes, but Facebook is an additional way of getting information out, particularly to younger people and others outside the labour movement. Malka has spoken with many people he never would have reached before, he says. This has given the movement, which desperately needs to make inroads into the youth demographic and the service sector, a much-needed boost of energy.

UNITE HERE (a merger of the Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees and the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union) organizes many young service-sector workers. The union represents 450,000 workers across North America. UNITE HERE Canada co-director Alex Dagg says she probably first got the idea to use Facebook as an organizing tool from her 14-year-old son. “He doesn’t even talk on the phone anymore,” she says.

Since plugging into Facebook, UNITE HERE has used the site to organize young concession-stand workers and successfully recruited student organizations for a boycott campaign against a large American retailer - a boycott they settled last fall in what Dagg describes as “a huge win.” She stresses that Facebook was just one aspect of the campaign, though the other aspects she cites - their extensive email list and their website - are hardly traditional organizing methods either.

Rebecca Rose, the VP of Education at the Ryerson Students’ Union, also points to Facebook as the primary focus of her outreach efforts. “[At] university, Facebook is probably one of the most useful tools in organizing because just about everyone and their dog has a Facebook account, which means that that’s almost their primary way of communicating at this point.” Former Simon Fraser Student Society president Derrick Harder agrees. His student union discovered through an exit poll that about half the students who voted in a referendum on a universal bus pass heard about the vote through Facebook. The vote passed with over 90 per cent voting in favour of extending the U-Pass until 2011.

Facebook lets users self-identify as members of particular groups or networks (for instance a specific workplace or a university), which is very useful for organizers, points out Harder, who may not have a list of their membership or may not have the resources to reach them by other means. This is true for student unions and labour unions alike. A Facebook group can also act as a gauge of support during a campaign. You can tell which networks you’ve tapped into by looking at who has joined.

More importantly, Facebook allows members to self-organize. “Members take it and do their own thing. We’re not leading it and planning it all,” says UNITE HERE’s Dagg. Mike Thomas, who coordinates pool tournaments, bar nights and volunteer groups over Facebook, emphasizes the importance of the space Facebook has opened for grassroots organizing. “We’re organizing ourselves on Facebook within our union. And that’s the most important thing we can do in this horrific climate that unions are in in the province [of Alberta] right now. The way the government is actively seeking to destroy us, we need a way to be together. And this is what Facebook is allowing us to have without any need for infrastructure.”

Illustration by Nick Craine“The U.S. National Security Agency is becoming increasingly interested in collecting user data off social networking sites.”

Derek Blackadder is a CUPE National representative. Outside his day job, Blackadder is the senior Canadian correspondent for LabourStart.org, an international organization that disseminates labour news over the Internet and encourages unions to make more effective use of online technologies. He believes that the utility of Facebook is its ability to attract people who are joining workplace-related groups for practical reasons. These people are from a much broader demographic than the typical under-35 Facebook crowd. With an estimated 40 per cent of Canadians on Facebook, the site is no longer just a youth phenomenon.

Blackadder gives the example of a hypothetical 50-year-old nursing-home employee who takes notice of her child using Facebook and, over a lunchtime conversation with co-workers, realizes it may be a useful way to start organizing around workplace issues. This worker probably wouldn’t have decided to join Facebook otherwise, but after observing what her kid is doing, it makes some sense. If users can participate in something relevant to their lives by joining Facebook, Blackadder says, they‘ll do it. “It won’t matter what their age is and it won’t matter what their gender is,” he adds. “All the demographic crap just goes out the window.”

While testing out the value of Facebook for unionists, Blackadder found the social networking site does have some restrictions. He was banned from the site not once, but twice - first for adding too many friends and then for sending too many messages. What was his response? Blackadder and his friends used Facebook to campaign to get him reinstated, of course.

Blackadder says he was becoming so addicted to Facebook that the second time his account was cancelled it came as a relief. “It gave me back about an hour a day - an hour a day I now spend reading the paper and drinking the first couple cups of coffee . . . rather than sitting in front of my computer checking Facebook to see who of all my contacts has been doing what.”

Blackadder isn’t the only labour activist to run afoul of Facebook. Malka was also cut off from the site for sending out too many messages. He has since set up a new account attached to a separate email address.

Outside of having your account deactivated, there are other, more serious concerns. A big one is a fear of surveillance by police, government or employers. Blackadder reports that in Australia it’s standard practice when hiring people into sensitive positions or workplaces to check out prospective employees on Facebook to get a sense of their politics. Blackadder also points to Facebook taking down the page for a Service Employees International Union group who were trying to organize Halifax casino workers. Their cited reason? Only individuals could set up Facebook pages.

LabourStart’s founding editor Eric Lee, doesn’t buy that, pointing out that many companies are allowed to keep Facebook pages. The real motivation, says Lee, was a lawyer for the casino complaining to Facebook about the group. It’s clear from the SEIU example that relying on sites like Facebook also makes unions susceptible to the whims of that site.

Lee feels Facebook is just another soon-to-pass fad. He thinks creating an online petition where the union retains the contact information of everyone signing it would be a more effective way of campaigning. “Imagine if Facebook had existed five years ago and if we had tried to campaign using it,” Lee wrote recently on his blog. “We wouldn’t have a mailing list today and we certainly wouldn’t be able to send out more than 50,000 emails a week.”

Another serious concern with Facebook is how it normalizes surveillance by allowing everyone to view personal information like your name, your birthdate, your friends, photos of you and even your personal conversations. “It amazed me how many people put their names and their complete dates of birth out there. The things that someone could do with that kind of information are quite impressive,” laments Blackadder. Facebook’s privacy policy states that they may share information “with other companies, lawyers, agents or government agencies.” And according to a June 10, 2006, article in New Scientist, the U.S. National Security Agency is becoming increasingly interested in collecting user data off social networking sites.

“I’m sure there are police and other folks looking at that,” Malka responds when I ask him if he’s worried about having his name, contact info and a list of all his friends in full view. “That doesn’t bother me.” Malka does, however, plan to transfer all the information he’s collected on Facebook into his email account in the event that he loses his account again or Facebook changes the rules.

Thomas doesn’t worry about the downsides to Facebook organizing. “I don’t put anything about myself online that I don’t feel is for public consumption. And if I do I run the risk of it coming back to me. It’s just the same as if you were to tell someone something around the water cooler - it’s just a very big water cooler.” He admits he doesn’t know much about the “political leanings” of Facebook. You’re fine if you follow Facebook’s rules, he says. The way he sees it, “it’s something that you can control to a certain extent and the rest you just have to accept.”

If organizers accept a playing field where they can’t set the rules themselves, though, they must remember that at some point there may be a game over. While Facebook can be useful for seeking out people and making initial contact, users will have to find ways of retaining the contacts made through Facebook outside of the site. For Blackadder, it’s more a matter of making good use of the older web technologies available to us - like email and blogs - than jumping on board new ones like YouTube or Facebook. Plus, there is always something to be said for good old-fashioned face-to-face communication.

Carmelle Wolfson is a copy editor for Briarpatch and a freelance writer based in Toronto. When she isn’t making media she works as an outreach organizer for the Association of Part-time Undergraduate Students at the University of Toronto. You won’t find her on Facebook.

Sidebar: Beyond Facebook?
By Carmelle Wolfson

CUPE representative and LabourStart correspondent Derek Blackadder says that ideally he’d like to see progressive organizations work towards creating an alternative to Facebook “which doesn’t have all the downsides to Facebook, including the privacy issues and the fact that it’s an organization that’s far more sensitive to employers than it will ever be to unions or to workers or to other progressive organizations.”

Unfortunately something like this doesn’t yet exist in cyberspace. But it seems we’re on our way there. Blackadder reports that LabourStart, along with the global union of hospitality workers and the International Union of Foodworkers, will soon launch a global social networking site for McDonald’s workers at www.McJobs.org. And in the Netherlands, the biggest trade union confederation has already started a site for young workers called JobCircle.

The difficulty with such sites is that they won’t be viewed by users as non-partisan. The advantage of Facebook is that it reaches out to a large population outside of the labour movement. McJobs could never gain as much popularity as Facebook.

IBEW member Mike Thomas says he wouldn’t switch over completely from Facebook to another site, but he sees a union-made site as an added opportunity. He believes people are on Facebook for many other reasons than to organize: to play games, chat with their friends and family and make plans to go for drinks with their buddies. When asked about the idea of a union-friendly alternative to Facebook he says that instead of trying to lure people to a new online destination, “why not use where they’re going anyways. You’re already in their home. You’re already hanging out with them. You might as well put it right there in front of them where they can use it as they see fit.”

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Illustration by Trevor Waurechen

By Erinn White & Dayn Gray
Briarpatch Magazine
November 2008

You arrive at an annual meeting with other union members from your industry. It includes representatives from every university in Ontario that has a Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) presence. They hand you a name tag and two drink tickets, and escort you to a room with no chairs. There are no prepared documents. There’s no agenda. Your job, along with the other hundred front-line members of the Ontario University Workers Coordinating Committee (OUWCC), is to set priorities for the sector for the next three years, to tackle obstacles to that work, and to look for concrete ways to build the group’s capacity.

No small feat, but this particular group seems to have pulled it off at their meeting in February.

The Ontario University Workers Coordinating Committee steers a voluntary association of CUPE locals totalling more than 20,000 members working in the university sector. The committee’s activities include coordinating university bargaining and province-wide campaigns, political action on university issues, and facilitating information sharing between locals. It is made up of elected representatives from each campus as well as staff support and representatives from constituency groups.

The group used a facilitation process called “The Art of Hosting.” The process relies on conversations rather than structured agendas, allows participants to identify key issues of interest or concern, and emphasizes relationship building as part of the work. It’s a process that invites diverse perspectives and outside-the-box thinking. Teams of CUPE staff and members who have been trained in the method hosted the meeting.

“People realized very quickly that they had complete control over where it was going to end, and the power to identify the issues they see as important,” says Dave Michor, the national union staff person who supports the work of the Ontario University Workers Coordinating Committee. The Art of Hosting “gave people the opportunity to talk about issues, target methods of finding solutions or developing an action to help them find the solution.”

What flowed from that planning conference in February 2008 set the course for CUPE Ontario’s university sector until 2010. The OUWCC is working to develop the capacity of every local and to increase their strength at the bargaining table.

What the OUWCC is proving is that taking risks and thinking big are powerful ways to organize from the bottom up - relying on the expertise and strengths of rank-and-file members. These members are developing their own skills and abilities as labour leaders. Maybe more importantly, they are seeing the results of working together towards common goals.

The OUWCC is one of five industry-based sectors in CUPE - its others are municipalities, hospitals, school boards and social services. Each has an elected leadership charged with the task of improving working conditions and building better public services. The leaders of the OUWCC have been talking about coordinating their bargaining for ten years in the belief that combining their efforts would give them stronger bargaining positions than going it alone. Although the goal has been clear for a long time, transforming it into action has been a slow process. Weighed against the possibility of failure is the possibility that members will embrace the project and move forward with new energy.

Illustration by Trevor Waurechen

Eggheads and scrambled brains

CUPE’s university sector has about 23,000 members. They do every job on campus from teaching courses to washing floors and fixing the plumbing. The two branches of the union affectionately refer to one another as “eggheads” (the academic workers) and “scrambled brains” (the tradespeople and support staff).

The diversity within the sector is a strength and a challenge. Fifty-five per cent of members are academic workers - teaching assistants and sessional faculty. The other 45 per cent are support workers. Bringing so many different classifications of members together and meeting their needs is ambitious, to say the least.

The leaders of the OUWCC know that using The Art of Hosting, a process that’s entirely directed by members, is a huge risk. “It’s a process of self-awareness and self-development, and it can very quickly fall flat. If there’s no buy-in, it will fall flat. We had a serious concern about that. We thought that academic workers might be intrigued by that challenge, but 45 per cent of the members have a more traditional local structure, and could have said they didn’t want to participate,” says Michor.

Action plans developed by the steering committee are sent back to individual member locals for approval - and so far, there’s been widespread buy-in. Each campus has a representative participating in the planning process, helping members see their personal issues addressed in the action plan. Priorities like wages, health and safety and protections against violence in the workplace were among those chosen this year as target areas for locals to negotiate improvements.

The great divide

A number of years ago, the geographic separation of university workers posed a challenge for organizing the sector. It was hard to provide members from all across Ontario with meaningful opportunities to communicate. Increasingly, though, members are making effective use of technology to stay connected. Regular conference calls, email lists, and social media like Facebook have helped shrink the province and keep everyone informed and connected.

Trying to deal with geographic challenges has always been difficult for unions in Canada. But the OUWCC has seemingly found a balance between centralization and the silo effect that plagues many other labour movement organizations. That’s why involving and motivating rank-and-file members is so important to the OUWCC. Membership in OUWCC is voluntary - locals choose whether or not to belong and contribute a voluntary levy to financially support the group’s work. Currently, 92 per cent of university locals have chosen to affiliate themselves with the group and its goal of provincially coordinated bargaining by 2010.

CUPE’s structure is based on the concept of local autonomy, where locals are given space within the larger organization to develop their own cultures and priorities and to negotiate their own collective agreements. Coordinating over 20 different locals within that environment has obviously been challenging. But the high rate of affiliation shows that it’s possible to work alongside and within existing structures to organize for concrete improvements to both the working conditions of members and the learning conditions of students.

Common issues

OUWCC members have common work environments - a link to each other that helps to make coordinated bargaining practical. Coordinated bargaining can take many forms - some unions have a common bargaining table. In this case, the OUWCC chooses to identify target issues, and locals can tailor their approaches to best meet their needs.

The OUWCC hopes that their pooled efforts will convince the government that the trend of funding cuts for universities needs to change. Their workplace conditions are also dependent on how much public funding is put into the system. The funding to universities, like most public institutions, is controlled by the provincial government.

“The shift toward neo-liberal public policies and the reorganization of government apparatuses has had major effects on working conditions across the province - indeed, throughout the country. In every sector it’s reduced the quality of public services,” says Dan Crow, the university sector’s vice-chair.

This is most immediately visible on campuses in the forms of increased tuition fees and growing debt for students, deferred building maintenance, contracting out of “non-core” functions such as food services and research, and the casualization of work. These changes have had major negative effects on the overall quality of education at Ontario’s universities.

Meanwhile, for non-academic and support workers, job security is taking a hit. Fewer new workers are hired to replace those who retire, which both increases workloads and allows universities to contract out services.

“Universities have the ability to threaten further contracting out and restructuring as a means to pressure locals on campuses to accept concessions in bargaining,” says Crow.

For academic workers, the results of underfunding are largely the same. As faculty members retire, universities are replacing them with sessional instructors who work on a contract basis. Sessionals do much of the same work as faculty: lecturing, marking, meeting with students, running seminars and preparing materials. For this, they receive a fraction of what their counterparts on faculty receive.

“This is forcing sessionals to piece together short-term work across departments and often across universities. For sessionals, job security is virtually non-existent,” says Crow. “Coordinating our bargaining efforts across the province is the key to reversing this trend. The Ontario government needs to put resources toward making our working and learning environments work for us again.”

Coalition building is becoming central to this union campaign. For a labour movement that can no longer afford to address its issues in isolation, part of the group’s strength is working with community partners and student groups. Compelling the government to act is a difficult task for any one union or community group to achieve on its own. Raising public awareness is one way to put pressure on the government to increase funding for universities and reverse the privatization trend.

Members’ voices, members’ power

Members say that one of the best things about being a part of the OUWCC is the new energy and empowerment that it gives to activists. These activists are tradespeople, support workers and teachers. As part of the committee, they sit on working groups, direct and implement campaigns and run province-wide outreach tours of campuses.

Lianne Dubreuil, support staff at Carleton University in Ottawa, speaks of the personal change she has experienced since becoming involved in 2007. When she thinks about the goal of coordinated bargaining, she says: “It’s really exciting, but it’s really scary. I have to learn how to motivate my executive and membership. We’re on the cusp of a history-making moment. It’s challenging, but I feel proud, and honoured, to be a part of it.”

“Gaining knowledge is a key reason for doing this. When we coordinate our bargaining, we’re banding together. The issues that are important to us on our campus are important on all campuses. It empowers all of us,” Dubreuil adds.

Promoting coordinated bargaining - where various locals negotiate on common timelines and focus on a fixed set of priority issues - is important to the OUWCC’s success. But it isn’t an automatic sell. Across the province, there are some significant disparities between collective agreements. Graduate teaching assistants at Brock University, for instance, are paid a considerably lower rate than those at larger comprehensive schools.

Where locals have managed to negotiate strong collective agreements, coordination has been less attractive to members because it’s more difficult to see what they can gain from their participation. But in true social-unionist style (and thanks to the hard work of both the eggheads and scrambled brains), almost every local has seen the advantages of coordinating efforts.

Long road to go

The group of activist members that make up this sector know that they’re making progress, but there’s still much more work to be done. Choosing central issues that matter to members is key to getting buy-in, especially from members who have felt disempowered by traditional representative structures of trade unions. The OUWCC knows that they have an uphill struggle to convince individuals that it’s worthwhile.

“There’s somebody reporting to the locals, so people are starting to understand why coordination is an advantage,” says Ajamu Nangwaya, an OUWCC member. “But there’s still a lot of work to do involving membership at our base level.”

Building solidarity among members who aren’t a part of the steering committee or working groups is a goal that the OUWCC will have to keep squarely in their sights if they’re going to succeed, Nangwaya adds.

In the long term, empowering individual members and locals and democratizing union structures engenders higher expectations for working conditions and a better connection to fellow workers and communities. The OUWCC is about building working-class power. Through coordination and solidarity, workers aim to win gains at the bargaining table. Whether or not they succeed in doing so, the time and effort invested in developing the capacity of activists, union locals and communities will undoubtedly produce dividends in the future.

Erinn White is a co-producer of the Labour Show on the rabble.ca podcast network. She’s also a member of the OUWCC steering committee and an active member of the Guelph and District Labour Council. Dayn Gray is a health and safety activist and a member of the OUWCC steering committee. He currently works as a union organizer.

John Peters is a political scientist at Laurentian University in Sudbury, Ontario. He is currently studying the impacts of globalization on labour movements and public policy in North America and Western Europe.

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